第一部分 英译汉

 

第一篇：

 

In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn – software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled.

 

Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world.

 

Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.

 

The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina.

 

第二篇：

 

Angkor is one of the most important archaeological sites in Southeast Asia. For several centuries, Angkor was the centre of the Khmer Kingdom. With impressive monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water reservoirs, the site is a unique concentration of features testifying to an exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely linked to their geographical context as well as being imbued with symbolic significance. The architecture and layout of the successive capitals bear witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire. Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic values, as well as containing high architectural, archaeological and artistic significance.

 

The Angkor complex encompasses all major architectural buildings and hydrological engineering systems from the Khmer period. All the individual aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of the cities that once were. The site integrity however, is put under dual pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed over 112 historic settlements scattered over the site, who constantly try to expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub.

 

Angkor is one of the largest archaeological sites in operation in the world. Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage. Many research projects have been undertaken, since the international safeguarding program was first launched in 1993.The scientific objectives of the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result in a better knowledge and understanding of the history of the site, and its inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage. The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the monuments in order to sensitize the local population to the importance and necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions and where they adhere to a great number of archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere.

 

Moreover, the Angkor Archaeological Park is very rich in medicinal plants, used by the local population for treatment of diseases. The Preah Khan temple is considered to have been a university of medicine and the NeakPoan an ancient hospital.

 

第二部分 汉译英

 

第一篇：

 

预计到2020年，全国60岁以上老年人口将增加到2.55亿人左右，占总人口比重提升到17.8%左右；高龄老年人将增加到2900万人左右，独居老人将增加到1.18亿人左右。涉老法规政策系统性、协调性、针对性、可操作性有待增强；城乡区域老龄事业发展和养老体系建设不均衡问题突出；养老服务有效供给不足，质量效益不高，人才队伍短缺。

 

规划提出目标，到2020年，老龄事业发展整体水平明显提升，养老体系更加健全完善。社会保险、社会福利、社会救助等社会保障制度和公益慈善事业有效衔接，老年人的基本生活、基本医疗、基本照护等需求得到切实保障。老龄事业发展和养老体系建设的法治化、信息化、标准化、规范化程度明显提高。市场活力和社会创造力得到充分激发，养老服务和产品供给主体更加多元、内容更加丰富、质量更加优良，以信用为核心的新型市场监管机制建立完善。老年人合法权益得到有效保护，老年人参与社会发展的条件持续改善。

 

第二篇：

 

中国的改革发端于农村，目的在于调节农民和土地之间的关系。1978年之前，数亿中国人还在为温饱问题发愁，如今，经过40年的发展，中国有7亿多农村贫困人口实现脱贫。从1978年至1985年，农村经济体制的深刻变革，为农村经济的增长和贫困人口的大幅减少提供了强劲动力。按当时标准，有50%未解决温饱的农村人口在这期间解决了温饱问题。按现在的扶贫标准，有超过1亿农村人口在这期间摆脱了贫困。这不仅为全面建设小康社会打下了坚实的基础，而且为全人类的扶贫和发展做出了巨大贡献。

 

1978年，安徽凤阳县小岗村的18户农民走出了中国农村改革的第一步。破除了计划经济体制的诸多束缚，实行以家庭联产承包责任制为基础的家庭经营，获得了可以自由耕种的承包土地，极大调动了生产积极性，使他们以巨大的热情投入到农业生产之中。